| Course | D567 Social Psychology |
|---|---|
| Task | Task 2 |
| Paper type | Group observation analysis |
| Length | About 1,000 words, 4 pages |
| Format | APA 7 |
| School | Western Governors University (WGU) |
| Program | BS Psychology |
| Updated | September 2026 |
Free sample paper for D567 Task 2
Eleven Volunteers and One Compost Pile: An Observation of Group Behavior at a Composite Community Garden Workday, Read Through Norms, Roles, Social Loafing and Conformity
Student Name
Leavitt School of Health, Western Governors University
D567: Social Psychology, Task 2
Course Instructor
Month Day, Year
Eleven Volunteers and One Compost Pile: An Observation of Group Behavior at a Composite Community Garden Workday, Read Through Norms, Roles, Social Loafing and Conformity
Introduction
Groups shape behavior in ways their members rarely notice. People work harder or less hard, speak up or stay quiet, and adopt habits they did not bring with them, all because of the others around them. This paper reports a two-and-a-half-hour observation of a volunteer workday at a neighborhood community garden and analyzes the group's behavior using concepts and research from social psychology: norms, roles, social facilitation and social loafing, conformity and the difference between newcomers and established members.
Method and Setting
The observation took place on a Saturday morning in May at a community garden of about 40 plots on a vacant lot in a mid-sized Midwestern city. The garden holds a workday twice a month for shared tasks such as turning compost, weeding paths and repairing raised beds. I attended as a first-time volunteer, told the coordinator that I was observing group behavior for a psychology course, and took brief notes during breaks. Eleven volunteers took part: five regulars who had attended many workdays, four newcomers and a coordinator and her teenage son. To protect privacy, people are described here by role and approximate age only, and no photographs were taken.
Because I was also a participant, my presence may have changed the group slightly, and my own experience as a newcomer shaped what I noticed. These limits are discussed at the end.
Observation Summary
The coordinator, a woman in her fifties, opened with a five-minute welcome, listed four tasks on a whiteboard and asked people to choose. The regulars went to the compost pile and the bed repairs without discussion. The newcomers hesitated, then all four chose path weeding, the task with the clearest instructions. For the first hour the compost crew worked steadily and talked constantly, while the weeding group worked in near silence. When the coordinator joined the weeders for twenty minutes, their pace and talking both increased; when she left, both dropped.
Two patterns stood out. First, at the compost pile, three regulars turned the pile while two stood leaning on their pitchforks, talking. No one commented. Second, at the midmorning break, a regular brought out a cooler of iced tea and everyone gathered, but the regulars stood in a circle near the shed and the newcomers stood slightly apart. One newcomer, a man in his thirties, had brought his own gloves and a kneeling pad; within half an hour two other newcomers had borrowed pads from the shed and were kneeling as well. By the final task, one regular invited two newcomers to help rebuild a raised bed, and the group mixed for the first time.
Analysis: Norms and Roles
Group norms are shared expectations about how members should behave. Several were visible but never stated: regulars take the physical tasks, everyone stops for the tea break, and no one criticizes a fellow volunteer's effort. Newcomers learned the norms by watching, which is why they gathered at the break without being told. Roles were also clear. The coordinator held a formal leadership role focused on tasks. The regular who brought the tea played a socioemotional role, keeping the mood warm and eventually bridging the two subgroups. These two kinds of roles, one focused on getting work done and one on relationships, are commonly found in small groups and both were needed here.
Analysis: Social Facilitation and Social Loafing
The weeders' faster pace when the coordinator joined them fits social facilitation, the tendency for the presence of others, especially an evaluator, to improve performance on simple, well-learned tasks. Zajonc (1965) proposed that the presence of others raises arousal, which strengthens a person's dominant response; for an easy task like pulling weeds, the dominant response is doing it well.
The two regulars leaning on their pitchforks show the opposite effect, social loafing, the tendency to exert less effort when working collectively than when working alone. Pooling 78 studies, Karau and Williams (1993) showed that loafing is more likely when individual effort cannot be identified and when the task seems less meaningful to the person. At the compost pile, no one could tell who had turned how much, and the task had no visible endpoint. The weeders, by contrast, each cleared a visible section of path, which made individual effort easy to see.
Analysis: Conformity and Newcomers
The spread of kneeling pads is a small example of conformity. Deutsch and Gerard (1955) distinguished informational influence, following others because they seem to know what is correct, from normative influence, following others to be accepted. The newcomers who copied the kneeling pad were probably responding to informational influence; one volunteer had found a better way to weed, and others adopted it. Gathering at the tea break, and standing where others stood, reflects normative influence, the wish to fit in.
The separation at the break reflects the line between an established ingroup and newcomers. Regulars shared history and jokes, while newcomers had not yet been included. The regular's invitation to rebuild a raised bed together changed that. Working on a shared task with a common goal is one of the conditions under which contact between groups most reduces distance, and after that task the group stood together for the first time.
Limitations
This analysis is based on one observation of one group, so it cannot show that these patterns are typical of volunteer groups. My dual role as participant and observer may have made the coordinator more attentive to newcomers, and my interpretation of who was loafing is based on brief observation rather than measured effort. A second observation, or a short survey of volunteers, would test whether the patterns hold.
Conclusion
In one morning, a volunteer group showed unspoken norms, distinct leadership and relationship roles, social facilitation, social loafing, both kinds of conformity influence and an ingroup that opened to newcomers through shared work. Social psychology explains each of these patterns and suggests simple changes, such as assigning visible individual tasks and pairing newcomers with regulars from the start.
References
Deutsch, M., & Gerard, H. B. (1955). A study of normative and informational social influences upon individual judgment. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 51(3), 629-636. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0046408
Karau, S. J., & Williams, K. D. (1993). Social loafing: A meta-analytic review and theoretical integration. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(4), 681-706. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.65.4.681
Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149(3681), 269-274. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.149.3681.269
What the D567 Task 2 instructions ask
The second D567 task sends you out to watch a group. Most versions ask you to observe a group in a public or familiar setting for a set period, describe what you saw, and analyze the group's behavior using concepts and research from social psychology, such as norms, roles, conformity, cohesion, social facilitation, social loafing or group decision making. You are usually expected to explain your observation method and to protect the privacy of the people you watched. Some versions also want a few sentences on your role as observer and on whether your presence changed the group. The central requirement is interpretation: the evaluator wants to see observed behavior connected to named concepts with evidence.
How this D567 Task 2 example is built
The paper is organized like a short field report. A method section states the setting, date, length, group size and consent, and admits the observer's dual role. An observation summary tells what happened in time order without interpretation, so the facts are visible before the analysis begins. Three analysis sections follow, each pairing a set of concepts with specific observed moments: norms and roles, then facilitation and loafing, then conformity and newcomers. The loafing section explains why effort dropped at the compost pile but not on the weeding path, using the conditions identified in a large meta-analysis. A limitations section and a short conclusion with two practical suggestions close it.
Where the D567 Task 2 rubric puts the marks
Every D567 Task 2 aspect is judged on WGU's three-band scale of competent, approaching competence or not evident. An observation aspect checks that the group, setting and behaviors are described clearly enough to analyze. Analysis aspects ask you to apply social psychology concepts to specific observed behaviors and support them with research, so a list of definitions after a narrative will not pass. Evaluators often look for more than one concept and for correct distinctions, such as informational versus normative influence. Where the task includes reflection or limitations, those aspects reward honest discussion of the observer's role and the limits of one observation. Ethics, particularly privacy, may be part of the professional aspects, along with APA citations and clear organization.
D567 Task 2 help: what sends it back
Observation papers come back when they describe without interpreting. A detailed account of who said what, followed by one paragraph naming concepts, leaves the analysis aspects unmet. Tie every concept to a moment you saw. The second common problem is interpreting from opinion: saying two people were lazy is a judgment, while explaining the conditions that make social loafing likely is analysis. Third, some papers choose a group that never interacts, such as strangers in a waiting room, which leaves little to analyze. Pick a group that works or talks together. Finally, protect privacy. Describe people by role and age range, avoid photographs, and tell the organizer what you are doing when that is appropriate.
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D567 Task 2 questions, answered
How long should I observe a group for D567 Task 2?
Follow your task instructions first. In general, stay long enough to see interaction patterns change over time, which in the sample meant a full two-and-a-half-hour workday including a break.
Do I need permission to observe a group for D567?
In public settings formal consent is often not required, but telling an organizer is good practice, and you should never record or photograph people without permission.
What concepts fit a D567 group observation?
Norms, roles, cohesion, conformity, social facilitation, social loafing, ingroups and outgroups, leadership and group decision making are common choices. Use the ones your observation actually shows, not every concept in the unit.
Are the D567 garden volunteers real?
No. The garden, the workday and every volunteer are a composite written for this sample. The social psychology studies used in the analysis are genuine and cited in APA style.
Where can I find a free D567 Task 2 sample paper?
The full observation report is on this page with margin notes. For an analysis of the group you observed, share your notes and D567 instructions and the desk writes a first custom version free.